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Jul. 2nd, 2020 07:57 am
Jul. 2nd, 2020
AoS S7 ep 7 Trailer
Jul. 2nd, 2020 08:01 amJust watched episode 6 of Agents of SHIELD Season 7 - which is turning out to be the most watchable yet with Agent Sousa on board as well. I am looking forward to next week. Here is the trailer for ep.7 in the year 1982.
Marvel's Agents of SHIELD 7x07 Promo "The Totally Excellent Adventures of Mack and The D"
Marvel's Agents of SHIELD 7x07 Promo "The Totally Excellent Adventures of Mack and The D"
Andrew Blake "The Land Without Music: Music, culture, and society in twentieth-century Britain" (Manchester University Press)
The title refers to Germany's description of Britain during World War I. Andrew Blake, a professor of cultural studies at Winchester, wants to contest that judgement. Blake's book stems from seminars held at the University of East London.
Blake is no Marxist (his politics steer closer to laissez-faire anarchism), but he too wants to cut through to something real. He has sung in choirs and played saxophone (he was in Man Jumping, a truly dreadful 80s jazz/minimalist outfit he admits would be "stretching a point" to call Canterbury Rock).
This grasp of music as a material practice enables him to puncture a series of myths. Herbert von Karajan's obituarists regretted the "smoothness" and "brutality " of his conducting. Blake shows that this mysterious quality stemmed from Karajan's insistence on adequate rehearsal time and state of the art recording, both rare in London. The classical establishment's critical standards are exposed as ignorant and parochial. An opponent of what he calls Rock Romanticism, Blake points out that Jimmy Page achieved his guitar sound by miking his amplifier 20 feet from behind (rather than by studying Aleister Crowley and taking drugs) .An illuminating dissection of musical 'Englishness' - Benjamin Britten organising the Aldeburgh Festival in rural Sussex with financial backing from the BBC, Faber and Decca - echoes Eric Hobsbawm: in the hands of a technocratic ruling class, '" tradition' is a fabrication," . Blake writes. "The musical cement of 'patriotic' nostalgia - Glenn Miller and The lnkspots - reveals the same dependence on America as a military victory in World War 11 ". Here, Blake's musical investigations unite personal and political history.
However, though he defends Theodor Adorno's dialectical method (while contesting his judgements ), Blake's sociology is closer to Chicago School market research than to Frankfurt School Marxism Hostile to both punk and the New Complexity composers (Ferneyhough, Dillon, Finnissy, etc ). Blake sees all assaults on the mainstream as arrogant and elitist .Here he adopts the patronising, peculiarly middle-class version of postmodernism: let's surrender 'elite' culture for 'the popular', and everything in the garden is lovely. So Susan McClary's cultural studies derived orthodox reverence for Madonna is defended versus radical rave theorists Simon Reynolds and Joy Press (whose partisan views are attacked as Adornian "if it sounds bad, it's good"). Blake concludes by commending the classical lite of Judith Weir and Mark-Anthony Turnage; apparently they break with the "male elitism" of "establishment modernism". As in McClary's Feminine Endings, what starts as brave critique lapses into an apology for the South Bank/Sunday papers status-quo. Lo-fi, free improvisation, new compositional strategies by Braxton, Zorn, Barrett, and Fell all indicate that Blake is falling for false, conformist answers to real musical and social dilemmas.
Blake's own account of the origins of Radio 2 - from ENSA, which organized entertainment for the troops during World War 11, to the Light Programme's Music While You Work - shows how Easy Listening and 'non -serious' music were deployed to serve the needs of national capital Although a severe critic of Little Englandism (and scoring PC points by calling Britpop racist ), the only way forward for Blake is the market Bhangra and Ambient, for example, are vaunted for their potential contribution towards the British export drive. So Blake cannot criticize the economic basis of patriotism: the interests of said national capital The contradictions of commerce and populism require more careful unpicking than this.
Slake's formal analysis also suffers from reluctance to pinpoint contradiction. Despite attacks on traditional musicology as "mere description", that charge can be levelled at his graphic exposition of Colosseum 's "Valentine Suite". If instead of resorting to positivist notation, Blake interpreted form as a site of conflict, he might register how commercialism tends to reduce music to an ever-the-same,
to the product- for-the - solvent rather than a life-changing experience. However, since this can only be revealed by showing up the aesthetic limitations of mainstream product - a practice Blake condemns as elitist and modernist - such a sober assessment of the real conditions of music never arrives. Writing like someone who has never been poor, Blake IS blind to the harsh denials hidden behind consumer choice. Instead, commercialism is celebrated because it "enriches" the culture - by supplying a diversity niche- marketed to precisely the identities market research sets up in the first place it is amazing that a commentator, who grounds his approach in history and a tough assessment of musical form, cannot grasp the profound connection between musical innovation and revolt against market categories (the 20s and 60s seeing crucial developments in both). If Blake understood how avant-garde dissent keeps such ideas and possibilities alive, maybe he wouldn't dismiss The Wire as an "anorakzine"; and maybe Land Without Music could explain why, although laissez-faire capitalism makes every cultural certainty melt into air, certain economic iniquities remain strangely insoluble.
The title refers to Germany's description of Britain during World War I. Andrew Blake, a professor of cultural studies at Winchester, wants to contest that judgement. Blake's book stems from seminars held at the University of East London.
Blake is no Marxist (his politics steer closer to laissez-faire anarchism), but he too wants to cut through to something real. He has sung in choirs and played saxophone (he was in Man Jumping, a truly dreadful 80s jazz/minimalist outfit he admits would be "stretching a point" to call Canterbury Rock).
This grasp of music as a material practice enables him to puncture a series of myths. Herbert von Karajan's obituarists regretted the "smoothness" and "brutality " of his conducting. Blake shows that this mysterious quality stemmed from Karajan's insistence on adequate rehearsal time and state of the art recording, both rare in London. The classical establishment's critical standards are exposed as ignorant and parochial. An opponent of what he calls Rock Romanticism, Blake points out that Jimmy Page achieved his guitar sound by miking his amplifier 20 feet from behind (rather than by studying Aleister Crowley and taking drugs) .An illuminating dissection of musical 'Englishness' - Benjamin Britten organising the Aldeburgh Festival in rural Sussex with financial backing from the BBC, Faber and Decca - echoes Eric Hobsbawm: in the hands of a technocratic ruling class, '" tradition' is a fabrication," . Blake writes. "The musical cement of 'patriotic' nostalgia - Glenn Miller and The lnkspots - reveals the same dependence on America as a military victory in World War 11 ". Here, Blake's musical investigations unite personal and political history.
However, though he defends Theodor Adorno's dialectical method (while contesting his judgements ), Blake's sociology is closer to Chicago School market research than to Frankfurt School Marxism Hostile to both punk and the New Complexity composers (Ferneyhough, Dillon, Finnissy, etc ). Blake sees all assaults on the mainstream as arrogant and elitist .Here he adopts the patronising, peculiarly middle-class version of postmodernism: let's surrender 'elite' culture for 'the popular', and everything in the garden is lovely. So Susan McClary's cultural studies derived orthodox reverence for Madonna is defended versus radical rave theorists Simon Reynolds and Joy Press (whose partisan views are attacked as Adornian "if it sounds bad, it's good"). Blake concludes by commending the classical lite of Judith Weir and Mark-Anthony Turnage; apparently they break with the "male elitism" of "establishment modernism". As in McClary's Feminine Endings, what starts as brave critique lapses into an apology for the South Bank/Sunday papers status-quo. Lo-fi, free improvisation, new compositional strategies by Braxton, Zorn, Barrett, and Fell all indicate that Blake is falling for false, conformist answers to real musical and social dilemmas.
Blake's own account of the origins of Radio 2 - from ENSA, which organized entertainment for the troops during World War 11, to the Light Programme's Music While You Work - shows how Easy Listening and 'non -serious' music were deployed to serve the needs of national capital Although a severe critic of Little Englandism (and scoring PC points by calling Britpop racist ), the only way forward for Blake is the market Bhangra and Ambient, for example, are vaunted for their potential contribution towards the British export drive. So Blake cannot criticize the economic basis of patriotism: the interests of said national capital The contradictions of commerce and populism require more careful unpicking than this.
Slake's formal analysis also suffers from reluctance to pinpoint contradiction. Despite attacks on traditional musicology as "mere description", that charge can be levelled at his graphic exposition of Colosseum 's "Valentine Suite". If instead of resorting to positivist notation, Blake interpreted form as a site of conflict, he might register how commercialism tends to reduce music to an ever-the-same,
to the product- for-the - solvent rather than a life-changing experience. However, since this can only be revealed by showing up the aesthetic limitations of mainstream product - a practice Blake condemns as elitist and modernist - such a sober assessment of the real conditions of music never arrives. Writing like someone who has never been poor, Blake IS blind to the harsh denials hidden behind consumer choice. Instead, commercialism is celebrated because it "enriches" the culture - by supplying a diversity niche- marketed to precisely the identities market research sets up in the first place it is amazing that a commentator, who grounds his approach in history and a tough assessment of musical form, cannot grasp the profound connection between musical innovation and revolt against market categories (the 20s and 60s seeing crucial developments in both). If Blake understood how avant-garde dissent keeps such ideas and possibilities alive, maybe he wouldn't dismiss The Wire as an "anorakzine"; and maybe Land Without Music could explain why, although laissez-faire capitalism makes every cultural certainty melt into air, certain economic iniquities remain strangely insoluble.
Andrew Blake "The Land Without Music: Music, culture, and society in twentieth-century Britain" (Manchester University Press)
The title refers to Germany's description of Britain during World War I. Andrew Blake, a professor of cultural studies at Winchester, wants to contest that judgement. Blake's book stems from seminars held at the University of East London.
Blake is no Marxist (his politics steer closer to laissez-faire anarchism), but he too wants to cut through to something real. He has sung in choirs and played saxophone (he was in Man Jumping, a truly dreadful 80s jazz/minimalist outfit he admits would be "stretching a point" to call Canterbury Rock).
This grasp of music as a material practice enables him to puncture a series of myths. Herbert von Karajan's obituarists regretted the "smoothness" and "brutality " of his conducting. Blake shows that this mysterious quality stemmed from Karajan's insistence on adequate rehearsal time and state of the art recording, both rare in London. The classical establishment's critical standards are exposed as ignorant and parochial. An opponent of what he calls Rock Romanticism, Blake points out that Jimmy Page achieved his guitar sound by miking his amplifier 20 feet from behind (rather than by studying Aleister Crowley and taking drugs) .An illuminating dissection of musical 'Englishness' - Benjamin Britten organising the Aldeburgh Festival in rural Sussex with financial backing from the BBC, Faber and Decca - echoes Eric Hobsbawm: in the hands of a technocratic ruling class, '" tradition' is a fabrication," . Blake writes. "The musical cement of 'patriotic' nostalgia - Glenn Miller and The lnkspots - reveals the same dependence on America as a military victory in World War 11 ". Here, Blake's musical investigations unite personal and political history.
However, though he defends Theodor Adorno's dialectical method (while contesting his judgements ), Blake's sociology is closer to Chicago School market research than to Frankfurt School Marxism Hostile to both punk and the New Complexity composers (Ferneyhough, Dillon, Finnissy, etc ). Blake sees all assaults on the mainstream as arrogant and elitist .Here he adopts the patronising, peculiarly middle-class version of postmodernism: let's surrender 'elite' culture for 'the popular', and everything in the garden is lovely. So Susan McClary's cultural studies derived orthodox reverence for Madonna is defended versus radical rave theorists Simon Reynolds and Joy Press (whose partisan views are attacked as Adornian "if it sounds bad, it's good"). Blake concludes by commending the classical lite of Judith Weir and Mark-Anthony Turnage; apparently they break with the "male elitism" of "establishment modernism". As in McClary's Feminine Endings, what starts as brave critique lapses into an apology for the South Bank/Sunday papers status-quo. Lo-fi, free improvisation, new compositional strategies by Braxton, Zorn, Barrett, and Fell all indicate that Blake is falling for false, conformist answers to real musical and social dilemmas.
Blake's own account of the origins of Radio 2 - from ENSA, which organized entertainment for the troops during World War 11, to the Light Programme's Music While You Work - shows how Easy Listening and 'non -serious' music were deployed to serve the needs of national capital Although a severe critic of Little Englandism (and scoring PC points by calling Britpop racist ), the only way forward for Blake is the market Bhangra and Ambient, for example, are vaunted for their potential contribution towards the British export drive. So Blake cannot criticize the economic basis of patriotism: the interests of said national capital The contradictions of commerce and populism require more careful unpicking than this.
Slake's formal analysis also suffers from reluctance to pinpoint contradiction. Despite attacks on traditional musicology as "mere description", that charge can be levelled at his graphic exposition of Colosseum 's "Valentine Suite". If instead of resorting to positivist notation, Blake interpreted form as a site of conflict, he might register how commercialism tends to reduce music to an ever-the-same,
to the product- for-the - solvent rather than a life-changing experience. However, since this can only be revealed by showing up the aesthetic limitations of mainstream product - a practice Blake condemns as elitist and modernist - such a sober assessment of the real conditions of music never arrives. Writing like someone who has never been poor, Blake IS blind to the harsh denials hidden behind consumer choice. Instead, commercialism is celebrated because it "enriches" the culture - by supplying a diversity niche- marketed to precisely the identities market research sets up in the first place it is amazing that a commentator, who grounds his approach in history and a tough assessment of musical form, cannot grasp the profound connection between musical innovation and revolt against market categories (the 20s and 60s seeing crucial developments in both). If Blake understood how avant-garde dissent keeps such ideas and possibilities alive, maybe he wouldn't dismiss The Wire as an "anorakzine"; and maybe Land Without Music could explain why, although laissez-faire capitalism makes every cultural certainty melt into air, certain economic iniquities remain strangely insoluble.
The title refers to Germany's description of Britain during World War I. Andrew Blake, a professor of cultural studies at Winchester, wants to contest that judgement. Blake's book stems from seminars held at the University of East London.
Blake is no Marxist (his politics steer closer to laissez-faire anarchism), but he too wants to cut through to something real. He has sung in choirs and played saxophone (he was in Man Jumping, a truly dreadful 80s jazz/minimalist outfit he admits would be "stretching a point" to call Canterbury Rock).
This grasp of music as a material practice enables him to puncture a series of myths. Herbert von Karajan's obituarists regretted the "smoothness" and "brutality " of his conducting. Blake shows that this mysterious quality stemmed from Karajan's insistence on adequate rehearsal time and state of the art recording, both rare in London. The classical establishment's critical standards are exposed as ignorant and parochial. An opponent of what he calls Rock Romanticism, Blake points out that Jimmy Page achieved his guitar sound by miking his amplifier 20 feet from behind (rather than by studying Aleister Crowley and taking drugs) .An illuminating dissection of musical 'Englishness' - Benjamin Britten organising the Aldeburgh Festival in rural Sussex with financial backing from the BBC, Faber and Decca - echoes Eric Hobsbawm: in the hands of a technocratic ruling class, '" tradition' is a fabrication," . Blake writes. "The musical cement of 'patriotic' nostalgia - Glenn Miller and The lnkspots - reveals the same dependence on America as a military victory in World War 11 ". Here, Blake's musical investigations unite personal and political history.
However, though he defends Theodor Adorno's dialectical method (while contesting his judgements ), Blake's sociology is closer to Chicago School market research than to Frankfurt School Marxism Hostile to both punk and the New Complexity composers (Ferneyhough, Dillon, Finnissy, etc ). Blake sees all assaults on the mainstream as arrogant and elitist .Here he adopts the patronising, peculiarly middle-class version of postmodernism: let's surrender 'elite' culture for 'the popular', and everything in the garden is lovely. So Susan McClary's cultural studies derived orthodox reverence for Madonna is defended versus radical rave theorists Simon Reynolds and Joy Press (whose partisan views are attacked as Adornian "if it sounds bad, it's good"). Blake concludes by commending the classical lite of Judith Weir and Mark-Anthony Turnage; apparently they break with the "male elitism" of "establishment modernism". As in McClary's Feminine Endings, what starts as brave critique lapses into an apology for the South Bank/Sunday papers status-quo. Lo-fi, free improvisation, new compositional strategies by Braxton, Zorn, Barrett, and Fell all indicate that Blake is falling for false, conformist answers to real musical and social dilemmas.
Blake's own account of the origins of Radio 2 - from ENSA, which organized entertainment for the troops during World War 11, to the Light Programme's Music While You Work - shows how Easy Listening and 'non -serious' music were deployed to serve the needs of national capital Although a severe critic of Little Englandism (and scoring PC points by calling Britpop racist ), the only way forward for Blake is the market Bhangra and Ambient, for example, are vaunted for their potential contribution towards the British export drive. So Blake cannot criticize the economic basis of patriotism: the interests of said national capital The contradictions of commerce and populism require more careful unpicking than this.
Slake's formal analysis also suffers from reluctance to pinpoint contradiction. Despite attacks on traditional musicology as "mere description", that charge can be levelled at his graphic exposition of Colosseum 's "Valentine Suite". If instead of resorting to positivist notation, Blake interpreted form as a site of conflict, he might register how commercialism tends to reduce music to an ever-the-same,
to the product- for-the - solvent rather than a life-changing experience. However, since this can only be revealed by showing up the aesthetic limitations of mainstream product - a practice Blake condemns as elitist and modernist - such a sober assessment of the real conditions of music never arrives. Writing like someone who has never been poor, Blake IS blind to the harsh denials hidden behind consumer choice. Instead, commercialism is celebrated because it "enriches" the culture - by supplying a diversity niche- marketed to precisely the identities market research sets up in the first place it is amazing that a commentator, who grounds his approach in history and a tough assessment of musical form, cannot grasp the profound connection between musical innovation and revolt against market categories (the 20s and 60s seeing crucial developments in both). If Blake understood how avant-garde dissent keeps such ideas and possibilities alive, maybe he wouldn't dismiss The Wire as an "anorakzine"; and maybe Land Without Music could explain why, although laissez-faire capitalism makes every cultural certainty melt into air, certain economic iniquities remain strangely insoluble.
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